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Send to Socialist Organiser, 28 Middle Lane, London N8 8PL. SWAPO - but has been harassed by South African invasions and by the South African-backed Unita guerillas.

Following South Africa's biggest invasion so far, in December-January, Angola has formed a joint commission with South Africa to oversee the withdrawal of the apartheid state's forces from Angola. US diplomatic pressure seems to have played a large part in getting this agreement, and the US will send observers to assist the commission.

South Africa has also tried to secure another flank by an agreement with Mozambique, announced on February 20. Il wants Mozambique to clamp down on bases of the African National • Congress la black South African movement). The pressure on Mozambique is the activities of the South African backed 'Mozambique Resistance Movement' ', and terrible economic crises.

suestoke This pamphlet tells the story of the victimisation of Socialist Organiser supporter Alan Fraser and how the fight to defend him was sold out by the union officials. 25p plus postage from 75 Freemantle Close, Basingstoke.

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went wrong tly, the Union's strategy directly after 13 December 1981 did not include a call for a strike. Had the Gdansk Shipyard announced a date for a strike for the spring, this would ›sed a very great and real threat to the authorities (even though such a strike might not, in August 1981. Left and ahove left: solidarity demonstrations in London. Above w stera sme gen peteriiFirstly, the Union's strategy directly after general strike. Had the Gdansk Shipyard annc have posed a very great and real threat to the necessarily, have occurred). rily, have occurred).

As a consequence, Lech might well have had the opportunity to conduct various negotiations (with the authorities) - particularly because, at the time, everything pointed to the fact that they were eager to negotiate.

Our second mistake was that our performance before the Union's delegalisation (martial law), was too feeble. Actions considerably stronger than those that took place on 31 August 1982 were essential atter it became clear in the summer that Solidarnose would be dissolved. Calls for further activities, including an eventual strike, were missing prior to the delegalisation.

I say that this was a mistake because at the time, a huge mass protest mght have saved the Union.

And now, what is our greatest weakness?

We are, firstly - a union operating underground; secondly — a union functioning in a situation of economic decline; thirdly - a union existing in an unlawful state; fourthly - a union in a country of limited sovereignty.

As a consequence of operating underground, the Union's basic task has to be to retain organisational and ideological continuity.

The tragic economic situation necessitates all-important protest in defence of those earning the least, aimed at forcing the authorities to reach into reserves, e.g to limit their expenses on military aims and on the apparatus of force.

Unlawfulness, in turn, imposes a struggle for the freeing of political prisoners, as well as for an independent judiciary, social arbitration, and press freedom.

Finally - the lack of sovereignty. The imposition of martial law proved finally that an independent union movement cannot exist in an undemocratic state. In order to rebuild the independent union movement, we must, above all, win democratic principles for functioning of the state.

All the states and societies in the Bloc were forced to perform on a stage erected by Moscow but what is played and how still remains largely a sovereign decision. 13 December 1981 proved that the rulers of the Polish People's Republic do not play their own roles, but those ordered on them by It is our task to force them to act in compliance NICK OAKES (IFL)

with Poland's interests, and not only with those of the Bloc. The Union can, for example, exert a considerable influence on the cessation of the arms policy.

All this points to the politicisation of Solidarnosc. Is it not, then, time to begin forming political parties?

Under the present circumstances, by existing and operating underground, the Union identifies itself far better with the organisational form of the nation than it did before the imposition of martial law. Now is the time for united activity and common aims.

It's no accident that no important political parties have arisen - the most that has happened that some programme declarations have appeared. It is, however, probable that different political directions will become concentrated around different parties in the future. That will be SOSALIS 'Solidarity Underground: Free trade unionism in Poland today' is a new pamphlet by Magda Zalewska, Henryk Gawinski, and John Taylor, published by the Polish Solidarity Campaign. 50p plus postage from PSC, 186 Avenue Road, London W3.

From an interview with Solidarnosc leader Zbigniew Bujak published in the 'Voice of Solidarnosc' bulletin December 1981 did not include : ed a date for a strike for the spring, horities (even though such a strike * HANDS currents within the Union. a timo of Ainricinmo a be vI uIsiuns, since tnere are many ditterent mathods of a pimieatage of active people actually a political idea that was combined with police Regarding the most current problems, one period and another is only just beginning, while the great of people emerging from hiding has now ended turning themselves in. It's obvious that the authorities are afraid to trials are being put off... hold the trials now.

The authorities failed in their attempts to induce I'd like to mention here that the political prisonpeople to come out of hiding. The amnesty was ers have a won a great victory, in that prison has have smashed the Union and its structures. It was supposed to have demobilised the opposition; to ceased to be an effective instrument of intimidatWing society. This is due principally to the uncomIbove: a Solidarnose demonstration August 1981. nd Edmund Baluka.

maria..:

Socialist Organiser po. 167 lebruary 23 1984 Pas* Picket at Lenin shipyard in Gdan:

promising stance of the internees - and later ti prisoners; to their refusal to sign loyalty oaths al to agree to emigration.

After the price rises, the next highly imports matter concerns the elections - if these take pla at all. What is the TKK's standpoint in regard them?

The TKK will announce its official position aft the authorities have made their decisions.

I can, however, give you my current persor views on this matter.

The elections both to the Sejm and to Natior Councils at all levels should, above all, be bo cotted. The boycott should be direct; it should n involve any combinations with election card deletions or additions. Quite simply — we don't ! to the elections at all.

We must not allow ourselves to be decieved ! any democratisation of the electoral law, howev. superficially far reaching it may be.

When no independent organisation has eith access to the media or any possibility of conduc ing its own election campaign and informatic actions, no electoral law, however seeming democratic, will provide even the slightest possil ility for us to introduce any larger number of inde pendent candidates.

Two things are important in the preparations f the elections. Firstly, we are striving to create ou own election campaign. A boycott is not enough -it must be quite clear what programme is suppo ted by those who do not participate in the eler tions.

Secondly, the control of the elections is a important element of the preparations. Thes elections, carried out in the current political situa tion, will figure as one of the most important elec tions in the post-war history of Poland - as impor tant as those held in 1947. There is no doubt tha they will constitute a very refined attempt a duping society. The control of their results i currently the Union's most difficult undertaking.

In this respect, we await help from everyon including the Church. above left: solidarity demonstrations in right: Lech Walesa (top)

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THE "Omega Project" is the name of the Tory Party's real manifesto. Devised by the Adam Smith Institute, it is the blueprint and master plan for every single privatisation project that Thatcher has and will carry out during her tenure of power.

Mrs Thatcher's adviser Ferdinand Mount is the key man who links the Adam Smith Institute and its Omega Project with the government departments which issue the direcThe official Serpell report tabulated Tory options for British Rail the most extreme of which was for a SERPELL MEANS MOLESTES CAPT STANDAAC PADUCE MASSUE JOINUS IN THE BRIAIN TOURHAT DIRUGGLEFO tives ordering closure and redundancy.

The railways are a major target for dismemberment. In attacking BR in preparation for selling it off, the Tories have adopted salami tactics, chopping off, and closing lines, bit by bit so as to avoid a concentration of opposition forces against them.

Last year they announced the closure of the Swindon, private hands in 1986, compared with 20% at present. It is also thought there will be 25,000 privately owned wagons in the network by 1986, compared with 17,000 today.

So where will the extra 8,000 wagons come from? perceptive capitalists of Giscard's government spent £800 million on their own "La Grande Vitesse" high speed train. This was conceived after BR thought of building the APT, but it is now operational. BR's APT is six years behind schedule!

Similarly, the Japanese capitalists have been much more efficient. Their "Bullet" trains have been operating for four years and are now being introduced on a large scale into the USA.

British Rail, the tortoise of international railways, is plodding along with a £43

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JOHN HARRIS LONDO COUNCIL

SAY NO TO SERPELL