Argentina: generals in court

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New president Alfonsin FORMER Argentine navy chief Emilio Massera was hauled before a military court last Thursday, 5th, to face charges that he ordered the kidnapping, torture and murder of many people. Martin Thomas discusses the new regime in The other eight members of the various military juntas since 1976 had already 'been summoned to hear the charges the previous week. They included General Galtieri, Brigadier Lami Dozo, and Admiral Anaya, as well as Generals Videla and Viola.

Galtieri, Lami Dozo, and Anaya have already been charged with mishandling the war with Britain in 1982. Their successor, Reynaldo Bignone, has been charged in a civilian court with illegal deprivation of liberty' of a man who disappeared in 1978.

The 'amnesty' law which the military regime passed to protect itself from prosecution for its bloody war against all opposition between 1976 and 1982 has been abolished. 34 out of 49 generals have been purged and 17 out of 25 admirals.

The new civilian government, which took office on December 10, is also considering prosecution of the former military rulers for their economic policies.

The drive behind these measures is not democratic enthusiasm from the new president, Raul Alfonsin. He is doing the least he can to satisfy the popular cry that the military murderers be brought to account.

Between 1976 and 1982, up to 15,000 people 'disappeared' as victims of the military regime. Special teams of gravediggers are now uncovering hundreds of corpses.

The president of the 'Mothers of the Place of May' - a group which has campaigned for an investigation into the 'disappeared' — commented on Alfonsin's procedure: 'The military are going to pardon themselves.

Alfonsin evidently wants to strike a delicate balance: to do enough to be seen to respond to the people's anger, but no so much as to smash up the armed forces.

Together with the measures against the military rulers, he has introduced an 'anti-rebellion law' , laying down heavy penalties for anyone who tries 'to alter in a permanent way the system of rights and constitional guarantees" • Justified as a move against future military coups, this law is likely to be more heavily used against left-wingers.

Alfonsin is also trying to strengthen his links with the big capitalist powers, especially the EEC. He explained to the Paris daily Le Monde: "We count firmly on the solidarity of the European democracies ...1 think in fact that, over and above their contradictory interests, Europe and an intelligent, integrated Latin America can contribute effectively to breaking down this (US/USSR) polarity which once again dominates international relations."

He expressed views close to the EEC's on Central America, and a hope that the EEC would push Britain into abandoning 'Fortress Falklands' Despite all this, Alfonsin has been forced to begin a sweeping purge of the top officer corps which has dominated Argentine politics for 60 years.

In my personal view, this casts some light on the debate there has been in Socialist Organiser over the 1982 war.

There is no guarantee that the Argentine military will not regroup for a return to power. Far from it. No such guarantee is possible short of a socialist revolution which dismantles the whole state machine of the Argentine capitalist class.

But for now the Argentine military is in disarray and its leading ranks are shattered. The terrible weight of repression which has born down on the Argentine working class is eased. What use the working class can make of this opportunity depends on the political struggle within the Argentine labour movement. But the opportunity is there.

And why? Because the military was discredited by its South Atlantic war. Just as a defeat for Thatcher's bloodthirsty buccaneering would have massively improved the situation for the British working class, so the defeat of Galtieri's desperate: 'mini-imperialism' has benefited the Argentine workers. UNITA - South African backed guerillas theid