[NIOT jete Germany. of Europe, whereas in reality…]

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NIOT jete Germany. of Europe, whereas in reality this is the most graphic proof of its realistic and revolutionary significance: If the capitalist states of Europe succeeded in merging into an imperialist trust, this would be a step forward as compared with the existing situation, for it would first of all create a unified, allEuropean material base for the working class movement. The proletariat would in this case have to fight not for the return to "autonomous" national states, but for the conversion of the imperialist state trust into a European Republican Federation.

However, the further the war progresses and reveals the absolute incapacity of militarism to cope with the questions brought forward by the war, the less is spoken about these great plans for the uniting of Barope at the top. The plan of the imperialist "United States of barope" has given way to the plans, on the one side, of an Kazamie union of AustriaGermany and on the other side f the quadruple alliance with its • tariffs and duties supple mid with militarism directed it one another. After the fing it is needless. to lage on the great importance. jeitsplärze *üK%: the fight against unemployment. Tr which, in the execution of these plans, the policy of the proletariat of both state 'trusts" will assume in fighting against the established tariff and militarydiplomatic fortifications and for the economic union of Europe.

Epoch

The United States of Europe is the slogan of the revolutionary epoch into which we have entered. Whatever turn the war operations may take later on, whatever balance sheet diplomacy may draw out of the present war, and at whatever tempo the revolutionary movement will progress in the near future, the slogan of the United States of Europe will in all cases retain a colossal meaning as the political formula of the struggle of the European proletariat for power. In this programme is expressed the fact that the national state has outlived itself as a framework for the development of the productive forces, as a basis for the class struggle, and thereby also as a state form of proletarian dictatorship. - Our denial of "pational detence", an outived political programme for the the Treaty of Rome would prevent it.

And it's the British courts, not the European Court - because actually the EEC Commission are very realistic people, they don't want to have a punch-up with Britain, and the European Court would adjust its judgments. The British courts would be used by Capital to offset the result of the Theoretically the world could go socialist. Let's wait for that, let's wait until we have it all... that's a sort of millennial dream. You have to struggle where vou are, to see that your weapons of advance, which are free trade unions and the ballot box, aren't taken from you:

MT: I would agree that a socialist government in Britain should not let itself be restricted by the Treaty of Rome. But that's not the situation we face at the moment.

TB: Every country has to develop in its own way. Socialism must be about people finding their own way forward.

To suppose that out of a crisis in capitalism, expressed in a Common Market that is now lip service to the idea of a Europeancoordinated struggle for it. We should hold them to their word outdated by events, you produce a living federation, is just an illusion.

It may be a dream of those who think like Trotsky that a Socialist United States of Europe would be a good thing. But a socialist world 'would be a good thing. And we are here and now fighting very hard battles to defend our people. To the extent that we float above them. with some great new theory that if only Brussels had elected MPs we'd all be prepared to accept it, is very false.

It might trigger off some of the most destructive anti-socialist nationalism. You could have the right-wing Scottish Nationalists, who are very hostile to an interventionist economy, emerge as an tacles to s could anewer to vour dream of a Socialist United States of Europe -even assuming a United States of Europe was socialist, and it does not follow at all that it would be. With the crisis of capitalism in the '80s as in the '30s it could swing the other way and you could have a very authoritarian right-wing federation of Europe within which we were locked even if we had a Labour government in Britain.

I think this is a dream of a dangerous kind, because it is not founded on a proper socialist or Marxist analysis. It isn't reflected in the hearts and minds of the people who would have to make it work, and it hasn't got much to do with the immediate problems that we have got to tackle.

ocialism

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Arl illen uB für oflage bei iamens A common workers" cause in Europ