Missed chance in Scotland

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SIJINUINII SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT SI CONFERENCE 4&5TH JUNE 83 IN mid-May there seemed to be a real potential in the West of Scotland to relate the campaign for a Labour vote to the day-to-day struggles of the working class.

BL in Glasgow was on strike against the threat of compulsory redundancies. Miners at Cardowan colliery were organising to fight its possible cłosure. The Confed was pledged to oppose the loss of 2,500 jobs in the shipyards on the Clyde.

The Timex plant in Dundee EE was occupied. And the women's Day of Action for Peace was coming up on May 24.

Instead, the result has been: job losses at BL and Timex in line with management's demands; a defusion of opposition to threatened job losses in the shipyards and at Cardowan; little more than token support for the women's Peace Day; and a staid, traditional campaign for a Labour vote.

Nationalism (both the British and Scottish Varieties) was an Achilles heel of the disputes. Timex in particular saw attacks on the French, Japanese and English, not to mention Norwegians and Americans, whilst threatened job losses in the shipyards are attributed to the Koreans.

The same type of nationalism underpins the strategy of the Alternative _ Economic Strategy. But this nationalistic approach proved to be a road to defeat.

As soon as the notion of "nation" is raised above that of class, then the inevitable consequence can only be an attempt at collaboration with forces hostile to the labour movement - and the ditching or playing down of any class struggle identity for the Timex was one examplé of this nationalism. The same thinking is also apparent among union leaders in shipbuilding, and the organisers of the People's March for Jobs.

In the Scottish context.

for a Scottish Assembly prime example of such glorification of cross class alliances. A campaign for such an Assembly, to quote George Galloway, would involve "Scottish MPs of all parties leading the fight"

This "national unity" approach leads to "softly, softly" tactics in industrial disputes - so as not to put off cross-class allies - and in the general election, instead of attempting to rally support on the basis of providing clear and militant opposition to capitalism, the Labour Party leadership sees "consensus politics" as the vote catcher. But there is not room for two SDPs. (June 9 may show there is not room for even one).

Ironically, the one occasion when a call for a Labour vote was related to the defence of jobs, its result was to undermine both.

At Cardowan, local NUM branch officers had already raised the idea of occupation prior to the militant May 13 rally against closure.

But . instead of boosting support fór the call for occupaand instead called for a vote for Labour: "A vote for Labour will save your jobs. When Labour wins the next election, Labour won't allow Cardowan to close."

Miners walked out of the rally in disgust. "This is more like a Labour Party rally than anything else," said one.

McGahey effectively counterposed a vote for Labour to occupation, thereby undermining support for the latter and discrediting the former.

Thus the politics and strategies of the various recent industrial disputes (nationalism, cross-class alliances, a conscious rejection of militant tactics) has dovetailed into the Right's nationalistic, antimilitant, SDP-orientated policies and tactics in the Labour Party. Albeit negatively, this shows the impossibility of compartmentalis ing off the struggle in the unions from the structe in the Labout BLACK

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washing-up time fight WE COULD BEOUT There had been no real negotiations since the national officials managed to get a return to work, though management had met the JNC.

But since many workers failed to understand how they had been sold out, and believed that they scored a moral victory over the employers, militancy has remained high.

This was shown when management sent round supervision to do a straw poll of feeling on the shop 100I.

They asked it workers would give up the washing up time in exchange for a guarantee of a £22 bonus. Fifty per cent told supervision to 'fuck off; 20% said it was in the hands of the unions.

That means - with 10% absenreeism - that a maximum of 20% WORKERS at Cowley Assembly Plant struck for 4½ weeks to defend their traditional 'washing up time, 6 or 9 minutes per shift, which management had attempted to abolish.

Last week, after a month's fruitless charade of 'negotiations' , mass meetings voted again on where they stood on the issue.

Later, an Assembly Plant TGWU Steward spoke to Harry Sloan.

claimed a 25% acceptance.

PHOTO: JOHN HARRIS nearly fell off their chairs.

The vote for the stewards' recommendation was carried -again with only 3 against.

The vote was not actually for another strike - but most must realise that this is likely. They had until Sunday to negotiate at national level - then it goes to national conference.

An idea of the feeling in the plant came when we were leatietting before the mass meeting. One young worker came up to me explaining the dangers of the company moves. I though I recognised him. It turned out that he was one of those featured on television during the strike, arguing that he would be going back to work, come what may. 4 weeks of being screwed into the ground on the Maestro Track had taught him a few lessons. Management have really done a job on them!

The big dangers are firstly the probability of a Tory election vicPeop: march for Jobs EST MIC: VIDS ON THE MARCE

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tion, Mick McGahey, addressing the rally, said nothing about this