An interview with Peter A BALANCE SHEET ON

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raight into the hands of the Lib- We're carrying on as normal, camal/SDP Alliance. We should paigning. It's just that now the lite for shared aims such as uni- road to socialism for us in Berteralism, withdrawal from the mondsey is a little longer and immon Market, Irish unifica- tougher - but those who dare to ›n, rights for black people and travel it, in the end will overcome. its interests!

What was lost and development'. in Bermondsey?

Well, obviously, the Labour Party lost the election, but perhaps we recaptured a bit of Labour's socialist soul. Despite all the odds we dole out money to industry. stuck at it, in the face of threats, abuse, even violence, and didn't scatter when the going got tough.

In a sense, that's what comradeship and socialism's all about.

It's about people sticking togethtoday. er, standing up for what they believe in, being prepared to remain firm in their socialist convictions, despite overwhelming consequent monetary crises. pressures to the contrary.

Obviously, Bermondsey was special - but some comrades have argued that there is a parallel with other rundown working class areas where for decades the Labour vote has been taken for granted. With British society in crisis, with politics being shaken up considerably, it can't be taken for granted any longer.

One of our oldest party members, themselves.

Waged 84, whose lifetime spans the entire history of the Bermondsey Labour Party, said to me after the election, "It's terrible we lost the election, but it's not surprising, because it's the first time in nearly forty years that people in Bertive ones. mondsey have been offered socialism.' That's pretty much true.

Until recently, the local Party was moribund and decaying, the memism. bership was miniscule.

We've picked up the tab for that neglect.

There were many reasons why people said they didn't vote Labour, but the strongest was a reaction against the local Council.

Waiting months to get repairs done, housing transfers virtually impossible, support for new office below one million within five years? development instead of housing, support for rent increases and rate increases even before Heseltine had put them on the statute books.

The right wing argument is that the comparison of Darlington and Bermondsey shows that what Labour needs to win the election mes sorters' defence. is sensible. middle of the road, centre righi candidates.

:: 81E that 80 57: 1: S527 10 Tais only one step away irom ailuzing Flect Street to choose our policies as well.

And that would mean that every Labour candidate would be moderate, middle-aged, married, macho and male. Heaven forbid that we should go any further down that road. There are already precious tew women, and there isn't a single black MP. We have got to change that, not reinforce it The big difference is that in Darlington, the sitting MP didn't denounce the candidate, the leader of the Labour Party and the National Executive didn't refuse to endorse him, the press didn't undertake a 15 month long witchhunt, the candidate's introductory leaflets weren't impounded and the opening press conference cancelled, and there was no further action on the Militant issue on the eve of the poll.

In Bermondsey, we asked for the discussion of the Militant expulsions to be postponed from the eve of the poll, and we were told that this was absolutely impossible.

When Darlington requested that further discussion on the Militant be postponed from the eve of their election, that request was granted. That shows the difference in attitude of leading members of the Party, and I believe it shows there were some who were quite prepared to see Labour lose in Bermondsey. In the light of those experiences, how do you see the Socialists for a Labour Victory"?

I think it's very important that we start the election campaign now. Traditionally, the Labour Party leaves everything till the last few weeks when the campaign's officially declared, and by then it's too late. People have already made up their minds.

We've got to use the intervening period to go out and win the arguments. We must argue for the policies of our Conference on the doorsteps, in the workplaces, on the housing estates. • We can see quite clearly there are sections of the Labour leadership who are not going to be out campaigning. We saw the way they tried to scupper the People's March for Jobs. They saw it as a diversion in a possible election year.

As far as I'm concerned, a People's March for Jobs is precise!! the kind of activity mie nozd. ti just un jobs, but on nudear weapons, on racism, on women's rights: we've got to have forms of popular mobilisation - such as Greenham Common - which sands and tens of thousands who do not accept either, the desirability or the inevitability of another five years of Tory rule. You have made the comparison with the Anti-Nazi League. While we need to unite all the Left within the Party to begin campaigning for a Labour victory, we've also got to link up with other movements outside the Party - the women's movement, black groups, the gay movement.

Obviously it needs to around certain demands, not just blind anti-Toryism - which plays me any toryism - which plays straight into the hands of the Liberal/SDP Alliance. We should unite for shared aims such as unilateralism, withdrawal from the Common Market, Irish unification, rights for black people and na • Unilateral nuclear disarmament and removal of all nuclear bases in Britain • Nationalise the top 25 companies, return social spending to 1977 levels in real terms. 35 hour week, withdrawal from the EEC, expansion of NHS, education, house-building. Renationalisation with compensation only on grounds of proven need and without gain to the recipients • No incomes policy. Repeal of Tory anti-union laws • Women's rights, including the right to control their own fertility • Repeal the Nationality Act and Immigration Acts Tatchell gays, and so on.

It can't just be a matter of us winning, them as voting fodder for Labour, but of us working in a spirit of genuine comradeship to support their struggles - and learn from them.

The analogy with the Anti Nazi League is a loose one, but ANL was a means by which many, many people who before then had not been involved in politics, but who felt deeply angry at racism, got involved for the first time. We need a similar movement against this Tory government. Last question: what has Bermondsey Labour Party been doing since the election? • Police accountability, repeal of the Police Bill • A united Ireland. Repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act, ban plastic bullets • A socialist foreign policy supporting liberation movements abroad • No formal coalition, no informal deals: End the witch-hunt • A Labour government that carries out Labour conference decisions.

Contact: Mandy Moore/ Andy Harris (joint secretaries), c/o 28 Middle Lane, London N8. Affiliation fee: £3 individuals, £5 organisations.

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THE ANNUAL conference of the National Organisation of Lab Students (NOLS) was suspended during its first session on Tues John Dennis, Labour Party student organiser, decided to call a hal the proceedings following a vote that he should not be able bott introduce his credentials report and to reply to appeals from deleg: from Labour Clubs ruled out of order by this report.

Dennis, in alliance with the 'Clause Four' leadership of NOLS, spent the last few months doing his utmost to guarantee a Clause F majority at conference. Between 20 and 30 elected delegates have b declared illegitimate for various reasons. All of these were opponent Clause Four, either supporters of Militant, or Socialist Students If all of these delegates had been recognised when the issue was no.126