Not Rate Rises"
Socialist Organiser1983 1983-02-10Read it in the scan (PDF), scan page 10 →
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1L3 F MEALS FIckI the basis of one local auth- Counciis can turn the tide ority. If Brent's Labour by provoking an all-out conGroup opted for bankrupt- frontation belongs to the cy la complete impossibilty realms of socialist fantasy, given the present composi- not the actual reality or pottion of the group), there is ential of the existing class no evidence to suggest that struggle.
New pamphlet from the Socialist Forum for Southern Africa / Solidarity. 90p plus 20p postage: available vie Socialist Organiser, 28 Middle Lane, London N8 8PL. no.119 February 192 ss ,Jona B FICHT it would even get the sup- i+ walA Dion not tha DIN. port of its own unions, let alone the public at large -despite the fact that. we mobilised the largest-ever Council strike for the health workers' 'Day of Action'.
To embark on such a course on a try and see what happens' basis is sheer adventurism which would almost certainly lead to a crushing defeat and a Tory administration which would inflict massive cuts.
Kven if a ornun of Tahnur MTELL A GIVUN VI MANULI Councils could unite on this basis (highly unlikely), such a struggle would probably not attract sufficient forces in terms of real industrial muscle to bring about a Tory U-turn, let alone bring down the Thatcher goverment.
After nearly four years of Tory attacks and numerous betrayals by the Labour leaders the working class movement is on the defensive. This is the reality whether comrades like it or not. The idea that a small group-of a radical-Labour.
SCHOOL MEALS N,U.P.E AKO FS89 NUPE HOM MERLS 2009 S009 NUPE FOR SCHOOL MERLE - votugagemel. u Nicannaramant Tf large number of Labour authorities . disengaged simultaneously then this would undoubtedly provoke a national crisis in local government. Achieving such unity, however, is not practical proposition given the different levels of grant settlement in each area and the right wing domination of most Labour Groups.
Disengagement makes sense only if we can honestly say that we cannot defend jobs and services given the present financial arrangements (e.g. if King carries out his threat to place a cap on rates - particularly commercial rates). It assumes that, in practice, it would be better to let the Tories take over rather than implement massive cuts.
• Betrayal Disengagement on Brent Council at present would be tantamount to a betrayal of local. working class. interests because: (1) we can defend our existing programme, albeit at the expense of rate rises, and (2) the local Tories would literally decimate jobs and services. "
• No cuts - put up the rates. In practice the only effective action Labour authorities can take is to deflect the blows which the Tories are raining down on local gòvernment. The Tories want Labour authorities to carry out cuts. By refusing to do so we are actually thwarting their plans and preserving the organised power of the working class (through jobs).
The argument that rate increases and cuts are exactly the same is nonsense. If it were true then the Tories themselves would not be talking about curbing local authorities' powers to levy rates, and indeed there would be no point whatsoever in having Labour Councils. It assumes that there is no difference between a Tory council having a nil rate rise and massive cuts, and a Labour council raising rates and implementing nil cuts - an argument which most working people would ridicule.
Attack
Cuts represent a 100% attack on the working class, rates actually redistribute income. In Brent 50% of rates come from business, 30% from relatively well-off Tory ratepayers, and approximately 20% 1 from people who live in Labour areas (rate rises do not hit the unemployed insofar as they are paid under UHB). In this sense, the working class receives more in jobs and services than it pays in rates - although it cannot be denied that rates raise the cost of living for working people, at least those in employment.
In an ideal situation, where the labour move33.
The Tories have clobbered ment was on the offensive and we could begin to prepare a general strike to remove the Tories, then we would not have to choose between such lesser evils'. The reality is that the Tories will not be removed this side of a general election, and Labour authorities must make the choice of defending the worst off at the expense of the middle class and small business.
At the same time we must use our position on the council to campaign for more resources from central government, and for a Labour government which will inject millions of pounds into the inner city areas and actually reduce the rates burden.
The real danger in Brent is not the imposition of a high rate rise, but that the maverick right will vote with the Tories and Liber'overspending' Labour council: als to inflict substantia cuts. This is where the poli tical attack of the local Lab our parties must be: ag ainst those who want te ditch the manifesto an‹ carry out cuts.
In this context, the pro gramme of the 'hard left on the Labour Group mus be as follows:
• No cuts - defend the manifesto, includins growth.
• No rent rise - rejec the Tories' proposal for ar 85p increase. Indeed we should be considering cut ting rents.
• For a continuing cam paign with local Labour Councils against the Tory government.
• For the election of a Labour government which will really challenge' the power of the ruling class by implementing Labour Party policies.
90p Bob Fine
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COCAN STILL TURNTOUS CLAMBETH
FICHT FOR FIGHT NUP MEALS FICHE DON DOSON
STOP TORY (GWN CUTS STOP TOM
Lawrence Welch