Benn on Karl Mary

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that a socialist govern- ted to the Social Demoby the exercise of industrial These right wing entrymuscle, rather than by ists used their positions as election, would be compel- Labour Members of Parlialed to retain itself in ment to obstruct the adoffice by a similar exercise vance to socialism, and Having said all that, I ance of democracy." ят profoundly opposed to On extra-parliamentary denounce its Marxists, the media having tasted blood would demand next that it expelled all its socialists and reunited the remaining Labour Party with the SDP to form a harmless alternative to the Conservatives.

Trotsky has had an immense influence on the world socialist movement, so much so that many different Trotskyite groups have been established.

Trotsky's profound ambivalence about the nature of parliamentary democracy led him into error, both of judgement and of prescription.

I do not believe that those socialists in Britain who claim to represent the views of Trotsky, are in any sense serious revolutionaries.

In my view, the weakness of their argument lies in their underestimate of what has been and one he ashiovad and the call ut alluErou, auu wr confusion which they perpetuate between the absence of actual reform and the inevitability that reform, if pressed, is bound to fail.

The constraints on capital and the gains achieved by the trade union and labour movement over the years have been formidable.

It is, I believe, a major error to argue that the advocacy of reform, rather than of revolution is synonymous with betrayal and capitulation, for it undermines the very working class confidence which is central to the success of the movement, spreading pessimism about the prospects of victory - which is what the establishment has been trying to do for centuries.

Moreover, by suggesting that parliamentary democracy has only a limited role to play, and by speaking vaguely of direct action to by-pass it, they seem to imply that socialism can be introduced by some industrial coup.

har are alen mnarcent.ably vague about what would follow such an event if it ever occurred.

But we must never forget Trotsky ment that came to power crats.

of industrial power.

any attempt to outlaw, expel or excommunicate the followers of Leon Trotsky from the Labour Some of them may, as I believe, be too simplistic in their analysis of Britain. But, if so, the correct response is to discuss the issues with them, and within the labour movement these discussions are taking place and are exercising a mutual intluence on tnose em deares who take part on both sides.

The main recruiting agents for Trotsky's ideas in Britain have been those who have so cynically betrayed their faith in both socialism and democracy, while occupying high positions with the Parliamentary Labour loadarchin and then deferretain their seats in defiaction, Benn said:

•There is clearly an inherent right to take up arms againt tyranny or dictatorship, to establish or uphold democracy, on exactly the same basis, and for the same reasons, that the nation will respond to a call to arms to defeat a foreign invasion.

The defence of ancient and inherent rights, as for example the rights of women, ur ul baut muuu- a- of trado mnian. ists, or of minority communities, could legitimately lead to some limited civil disobedience, accompanied by an assertion that the responsibility for it rested upon those who had removed these rights in the first place.

And, at the very opposite end of this scale of legitimale oppusition. lies the undoubted right directly to bring pressure, from Parliament, to be Parliament to redress of le grievances.

To assert thal parliamentary act synonymous witl parliamentary acies is to blur a tion that it is ess draw with scienti cision if we are tr stand what is ha and not to mistake cratic demonstratic undemocratic riot; cratic protest for democratic uprisir democratic reforme undemocratic re ary.

Benn explaine differences with thus:

''The Communis festo, and man: works of Marxis sophy, have alwi foundly influenc British labour m and the British Party. and have : ened our under and enriched our :

to act : public outside ar upon ecure a •gitimate extralivity is anticonspirdistincential to ifc preo underippening a demoin for an a demoan un2g or å er for an volutionpa his Marxism st Maniy. other t philoays proed the ovement strengthstanding thinking. to try to construct the Labour Party without Marx as it would be to establish university faculties of astronomy, amarupui- anthannal ogy or psychology without permitting the study of Copernicus, Darwin or Freud, and still expect such faculties to be taken seriously.

Yet there are many schools of thought within the Marxist tradition. It would be as foolish to lump them all together as to bundle every Christian denomination into one and then seek to generalise about the faith.

And there are certain aspects of the central Marxist analysis which it is necessary to subject to special scrutiny - if the relationship between Marxism and Democracy is to be explored. I have listed some of these aspects which explain in part why I would not think it correct to call myself a Marxist. society within which Marxism must be seen as playing a key role.

Canana tha annontanro acceptance in the socialist societies of the principle of democratic accountability and full poitical rights as central to the practice of socialism.

Third, the beginning of a regular series of structured national and international dialogues between Socialists, Euro-Communists and Marxists of all schools of thought, to explore the relationship between democracy and Marxism and the experience of actually existing socialist parties and socialist countries.

Fourth, the reunification of the world trade union movement, which was divided during the cold war when the ICFTU broke away from the WFTU, partly to permit a reunited world trade union movement to enter into the dialogue described above.

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Organiser no.78