I Behind Turkish Junta

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The Thatcher government and many journalists argue 'returning Turkey to democracy'. Jack Johnson prese Eiren: determined to maintain dictatorship A NEW wave of repression in Turkey has claimed the lives of another three left wing militants, raising the total of hangings to 13 since 12 September 1980.

Further arrests have taken place among intellectuals and academics while further charges and court proceedings have been brought against Ecevit's RPP.

This new turn came about after several visits to Turkey by EEC delegations in February and the decision of the European Assembly to consider readmitting Turkey to the BEC, despite some mild criticisms of the regime's record on human rights.

The Generals reacted to these developments with anger. They banned further visits by any delegations from Europe. Then began the new hangings, arrests and suppression.

They junta is trying to prove the point to Europe that pressure will not deter them from carrying out the task of suppressing the working class movement in Turkey.

Peter Hopkirk of the Times last week elaborated on the question as follows:

"Despite Evren's clear determination to restore a Parliamentary role, he is under continual pressure from outside, particularly from Western Europe to return to barracks. Those familiar with the Turkish character know that such pressure, whether from well-meaning friends or from foes, is only likely to prove counter-productive.

The Times' position on Turkey is not an isolated one. It has been well argued in Europe by right wing MPs and MEPs and also represents the line of the Thatcher government.

Instead of withholding aid, they argue: "Turkey should be in the EEC so Europe can better monitor the regime's moves."

Liberal, humanitarian opposition to the regime in Europe melts away when it has to confront arguments based on imperialist interests and stability in Turkey, and in the Middle East.

STOP THA Yet General Evren and his supporters in Europe are lying unashamedly when they say there will be a return to "democracy" in Turkey in 1983.

How could it be possible to talk about "democracy" when these dictators have inflicted the biggest repression ever seen in the history of the Turkish working class? Where every independent organisation of the working class and of other sections of the oppressed classes, has been crushed, thousands of class militants put in jail, hundreds killed and every section of society terrorised by the fear of torture, imprisonment and death.

However, the type of "democracy they are talking about is merely a retum to Parliamentary rule, with an institutionalised dictatorial constitution, where the army will have the direct say in the running of the country.

Before the 12 September coup, the constitution in Turkey had been the one drawn up after the populist military take-over in 1960.

In the 1950s the new strategy of imperialism towards Turkey had started to affect the country's social, political and economic structure.

The intervention of large capital created an industrial proletariat which has become the main force within struggle class Turkey.

The : 1960 military coup took up the task of recognising the relationship between the indigenous bourgeoisie and imperialism on the one hand and the working class and other oppressed layers in Turkey.

The 1960 constitution was drawn up. under conditions of growing awareTiess and organisation within the working class and other oppressed masses.

It had to concede democratic rights for the working elass, including the right to strike, trade unions, political parties and organisations of the working class.

However, these rights -recognised on paper -immediately at ten the flect were coup.

It was only after 3-4 years of bitter struggle by the working class (in which nearly 400 strikes involving 500,000 workers took place) that these rights were actually won.

After that, it was always the argument of the Justice party and later the fascist NAP, that the root problem of Turkish capitalism lay in the 1960 constitution, and there were numerous attempts to change it.

The Turkish Labour Party (1962) and then the DISK union confederation (1967) were formed as a direct result of militant struggles of the working class, in opposition to the American-backed TURK-IS trade union confederation.

The new working class in Turkey made an important leap forward in the development of its political consciousness and its organisations in the early 1960s. For the first time the Turkish Labour Party managed to send 15 MPs to Parliament. DISK managed to organise the most militant and most class conscious layers within the working class.

These developments within the working class had an immediate and direct effect on youth and students.

Radical isolation among these layers gave birth to many of the organisations of the left in Turkey today.

These developments disturbed the bourgeoisie, and in 1970 they tried to introduce new laws aimed at reducing the power of The army DISK and other organisations.

The response of the workers to these moves was sharp and militant. A general strike was organised for a number of days, bringing clashes with soldiers on the streets.

The bourgeoisie had no option but to introduce martial law and stage a military take-over in March 1971.

However, military rule in 1971 was not stable enough to suppress DISK and the working class movement and power was handed back to civilian rule.

The 1971 coup did not manage to abolish the 1960 constitution and of course with it all the rights of the working: class movement.

Having failed militarily the big bourgeoisie turned to develop a civilian fascist party, as a means to terrorise the forwardmoving working class.

In 1974-5 the working class entered a period of struggle to regain the lost wages, living standards and democratie rights.

DISK was at the centre of these struggles. The whole of the left from the Turkish Communist Party to the Maoist organisations made massive gains, both organisationally and politically, in this period.

May Day celebrations nearly 1 milion strong were an indication of the strength of the left.

The TKP became the main working class organisation due to their influence in DISK and other mass organisations such as the teachers' union TOB-DER.

However, the entire left remained ideologically under the influence of Stalinism, in its various historical versions and periods.

While thi 501S78 is on the streets, September 1 the "popular frontist" strategy of Dimitrov and the post-1935 Comintern, supporting Ecevit's bourgeois RPP and its government, the Albanian Stalinists adopted Stalin's 1929-34 sectarian "third period" "social fascist" stance in relation to other workers' organisations.

As in the 1920s, the 1974-5 leadership of the workers and oppressed masses failed to give a revolutionary direction to the forward movement of Turkey's working class and other oppressed masses, and the Kurdish national liberation struggle.

Turkey witnessed one of the most bitter and sharp series of confrontations and struggles throughout the late 1970s. And the Turkish left failed in that test.

It was under conditions of a growing fascist movement and terror (25 killings a day) and increasing confusion and disorganisation of the working class, that Evren's present bonapartist dictatorship • took control, adopting a pose of that the its the fi taken the main task of restructuring the capitaust 11_ 1: -economy in Turkey. The IMt conditions wnien Ior years could not be introduced, have been carried out from A-Z. Even some sections of the bourgeoisie in Turkey have started to complain that the monetarist policies are so inflexible they cannot operate for long..

However, Turgut Ozal is pushing for another 3-4 years of his infamous economic programme before Turkey becomes an economically viable economy.

Behind all these claims of economic success, lies increased poverty and misery of the toiling masses in Turkey. Unemployment is well over 70%.

These attacks on the living standards of the masses also go hand in hand with changes in the political structure of society.

All the basic aspects of the 1960 constitution under attack, from universities to trade uni laws, from political part to the rights of association It seems Evren is det mined not to see a repr of the 1974-5 period, whe after three years of militz dictatorship the worki class managed to go fi ward and regain some of lost rights.

So any "return" parliamentary rule in 19 would have to go togeth with an institutionalis dictatorial constitution.

However, these plans the capitalists in • Turk very much depend on t working class and : strunele. Turkish The labo movement has the task regrouping and reorga ising its forces und extremely difficult o ditions.

Only the revolutiona struggle of the masses h the power to overturn t present situation in Turke To do this requir correct revolutiona leadership, and unity of t forces of the proletari above all, clear politic development and a bre from the politics of refon ism and Stalinism, whi have dominated the cla struggle and are respo sible for the defeat inflict on the masses by the di tators.

The lessons of the par lessons of the collabor tionist "popular frontis policies of the Stalinist the lessons of ultrate sectarian, divisive "soci fascist" policies, lessons of the strategi of "vanguard arIo struggle" have to be lear ed in order to be able effectively mobilise tl proletariat and the oppre sed masses, in the strugg against the dictatorship ar the reserve fascist forces: the bourgeoisie.

Only through the man mum unity of the workit class with the poor peasa try in actions against ti dictatorship and throud the struggle for a clear at consistent revolutional programme can the prole ariat in Turkey be able 1 rise to its feet and ove throw the dictatorship ou and for all.