Why I oppose call for a

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DESPITE the unfortunate because of the crisis and general strike is? Furtherheading Socialist Organiser events in the Labour Party gave to my letter on the they have been educated.

The demand he to consciously enter into general strike slogan and its concludes is particularly rele- what would be a struggle for: cutting by the editors, may I vant in the light of events at state power?

Organiser, 8 October). It is quite true that those shall those Mick wonders if 1 want a wörkers with good organisa ance to be given to general strike at all He goes tion, a tradition of struggle workers contronting on to say 4 3432:1 general and in in the front las I will also argue that any strikes bes read Bet this is whole capable of measuring attempts to Trotskys tion the TUe up: involved by a general strikeFrance sometimes they express ter writings on USe on w • feel that! strike during 102 to should A general strike differi particularly wader its present prove this ometimes tney express was fram national stobbare. leadersnip! • A. LAST WEEK'S article on the AGM of the Labour Coordinating Committee appeared appropriately on the same spread of pages as the continuing debate on the strategy now for the Left in the Labour Party. But, unfortunately, by confining itself simply to recording the events of the meeting, the article failed to bring out what • important for the strateg debate.

Retreat The fact is that Socialist Organiaer supporters put forward resolutions and amendinents on a variety of important issues - the constitutional struggle, the deputy leadership contesa, the block reve and the ei stitue arty covere conte trad e demo strategy - and we lost all ana Sureli of them. More importantly, the division was about the same on all the important issues.

In addition, Socialist Organiser supporters did not do well in the elections to the LCC Executive they disguise their retreat with left-sounding phrases, these ideologically committed left reformists are moving to the right.

As part of this movement to the right, there is an increasing desire on the part of these people to demarcate themselves clearly from what they see as the revolutionary left. While Scottish ICC chairperson George Galloway did say: to the morning they'll come for Militant and Socialist Urganiser, and in the afternoon they'll come for the ICC" ; the hostility to any organisational connection with the far left through the RFMC was worrying:

Another striking feature. of the AGM was the contradietary tion adopted by ly on be quest con oi. on conpliteanna Chand thav ironed for lower profile on these issues (and really the talk about 'extra-parliamentary activity' servies only to cover this retreat with left wing phrases): on the other hand they argued for taking up the fight to upgrade the constituency vote at conferdefend Liggins' reply (Socialist BL.

strike does pot Finnind HY The comrade adds that we can't wait for the perfect moment to.. raise the demand. The working class, he says, is not in retreat; it is being held back by a treacherous bureaucracy and WHILE Linda Moulsdale's letter attacking a religious leaflet handed out on the CND demonstration packed a punch, the heavy-handed, lecturing reply to it from Paul Barker seemed to want to soft-peddle Marxists' opposition to religion.

We must of course understand that lots of people are inst the Tories ( La calodon's feel LOr feeling by chanting for a general strike at marches like the recent one in Blackpool.

Demoralisation

But do those : workers understand precisely what a bullied and intimidated by the Church into beliefs that stunt and cripple their lives. Let's do what we can to enlighten them!

HARRY PILKINGTON, London. feeling in the working class At my trades council I pot ther sevaste coperal An inderinate generas siree, even if entered into for limited demands (like in 1926), would raise two governments in the land.

On the one hand the government of the ruling class, on the other that of the working class. One would have to give way.

If it was the ruling class that gave way, we could advance towards socialism. If the workers gave way, it may, as Mick Liggins says, increase the "self-confidence ana consciousless U1 workers. It could equally destroy the organisations of the working class, lead to confusion and demoralisa1920s).

Comparison it all depends on what political conclusions the working class learns from the experience. What did they learn after 1926?

One thing is comparison with Britain in 1981, and the period in France prior to the election of Leon Blum's Popular Front government is just not Ull.

Of course we objectively need a general strike! Mick is right in inferring that if you don't call for something it will never happen. The question is whether or not it is tactically correct to pose this ultimate demand at the moment.

Dangerous

Is the working class as a to the political tasks "At warkers look certain of breaking the 4%, but what about the weaker sections of the working class? Many workers would see the demand for a general strike as irrelevant, or would mistake its significance.

Comrade Liggins believes that the prerequisites for a general strike exist as capitalism "has outlived usefulness" and the "working class has been educated through developments in the International capitalism outlived its usefulness over 100 years ago. Should we have been calling for a general strike ever since?

As for developments in the Labour Party, these have educated rank and file members, who, as the crisis mounts have understandably moved leftwards in advance of the bulk of the working class.

But Mick Liggins says "the working class" has been educated.

There be

that politically "the working

class" is to the right of constituency activists. Look at the loss of working class votes from Labour to the CNP in Warrinaton.

The main thing absent from Mick's teply is its failure to respond to my criticism of the paper calling on the TUC to declare a general strike. I can only repeat my view that as the existing leadership is a waste of time, to wish to place the future of the working class in the TUC's hands is highly dangerous.

Comrade Liggins says that the papers derand for general Care broker "from our dilogu with the masses". At Its very best the Soclalist Organiser Alliance "can be called an interventionist group which MA: certain situations is able to get a hearing from sections of workers.

To believe that you have a "dialogue with the masses" is self deception.

Irresponsible

At the end of Mick's reply we witness a collapse into the age-old position of believing that it is just the treacherous bureaucracy which stands in our way rather than the reformist consciousness of the working class as a whole.

In any case if the time is ripe to call for a general strike like the editorial of September 24 says, why did this call to battle stations disappear from sight for the next four issues?

This is highly itresponsible and means that you don't éven take the demand seriously yourself.

Fraternally, V. O'Brien Liverpool 2

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tion, or even the triumph of reaction (like in Italy in the