Rightward evolution of

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Since 1974 and the publication of its founding declaration of principles-PASOK has moved step by step to the right.

The 1974 declaration talked of 'socialisation' of big capital. • This 'clearly Marxist' term has now been paired down to mean the placing under state supervision of certain industries (specifically pharmaceutical and other related ones) which will eventually be bought up by the state. PASOK has dropped all references to large industrial and merchant capital:

Decisive PASOK describes itself as a movement rather than a party. It has organised branches throughout the country. It has organised currents within the workers' and farmers movements, and enormous strength within local government and amongst middle professional ranks, etc.

The Central Committee of PASOK is the decision making body and although local branches have a wide degree of democratic functioning with scope for discussion, in the last instance they do not make the decisions. However PASOK does not have a strict internal discipline. The leader • plays the most decisive role, balancing between different groups.

Obscure

Given the ease with which this enormous movement was created and came to power within seven years, it is also just as easily torseeable that it will begin to disintegrate when the growing conservatism of the leadership comes into conflict with the demand of the masses for real change.

The rise of PASOK has been so significant and irres istable that at the same time it has managed to obscure many of the features of political reality in Greece today.

This can be seen even at the level of terminology. The term 'socialism' is used so indiscriminately that it blurs the difference between capitalism and communism. By talking about the people' PASOK manages to obscure the difference between the two main class protagonistsworkers and bosses. References to 'the movement' have obfuscated the class struggle, while the 'Right' is used as a catch-all, obscuring within it the real class interests of the bourgeoisie.

But what was

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Demonstration in Athens the working class: in PASOK's victory?

The trade union movement in Greece is controlled ın part by the Communist Party and in part by PASOK itself PASOK dominates in the service sector unions. The majority of these unions organise the better-off workers-bank employees, teachers, lecturers, telecommunications workers, power workers, airline workers, etc.

On the other hand workers in the other economic sectors-mining, manufacture, light engineeringare in the overwhelming majority represented by the Communist Party trade union organisation.

From this fact alone one can see that the more organised and class conscious sector of the working class does not express itself through PASOK.

It still looks to the Communist Party. The Communist Party however only increased its electoral share by 1.5% (although it scored bigger swings in working class areas and stayed the same or fell in rural constituencies).

This exceptionally small increase in the Communist Party's vote-shows that in this historic contest between the "underprivileged" and the "Right"-the working class found itself on the side lines as a spectator.

But the Communist Party crawls cravenly behind PASOK's electoral campaign and quest for 'change'offering here and there a few left criticisms which would have been more usefully aimed at its own policies and practices.

"PASOK is the government of all Greeks" • This was Papandreou's first links of every capitalist with South Africa, and so lay the basis for immediate solidarity action as necessary-for appropriate blacking and strike action;

3) For the labour move ment to fight against all secret diplomacy and to Cissy Vovou in Athens continues her assessment of the Greek socialists' election victory.

declaration upon coming to oftice. "No politics in the army" was another of his pronouncements after taking over the crucially important "No purges of the Right; Ministry of Defence post from the state machinery, etc.. etc.

These are the first practical indications of PASOK's backtracking.

But as Papandreou himself stated in the course of the campaign, "Change is not an electoral promise, it is a popular demand". . And this demand has to be realised. This is what the workers, farmers and radicalised petit bourgeoisie expect.

If from the kick-off PASOK sinks in the mire of conservatism and compromise with the Right, how can it begin to take on the ruling class and deal with any possible sabotage by the ruling class?

Promised

How will it drag the country out of the economic crisis if it dare not touch the interests of big capital?

How will PASOK *place the state at the service of the people' if it won't purge any of the right wingers and Papandreou open fascists who are rife in the state apparatus?

These are the many quertions which shall be asked in Greece in the coming period One thing is certain honever.

The mass movemen which has resulted in this victory for PASOK repres ents a danger and threat in the ruling class. PASOK hus promised its supporters • lot. And although they it* prepared to wait awhile they are not prepared to be sold out.

Precondition

PASOK's foreign polic will equally be different I what has gone before, and will weaken the US in the Middle East and imperialisi interests in the region as i whole.

For all these reasons. PASOK's victory is a far more radical and uncertain event for the bourgeoisic than the coming to government of the Labour Party in Britain, Schmidt in Germany or Mitterand ir France.

The strength of the workers. movement will continue to remain the precondition for social change, witl or without PASOK.

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