Deep Holes in Scargles Arguments

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A fighting union must be responsive to the rank and file tionism would mean a Institute of Workers Control further downturn in the (IWC), whose vision of British economy, due to the workers' control-never restriction export clearly worked out-has markets. Result? Closures varied from co-operatives to ment is deceptively sunple. "basic industry" (textiles, At the and of 1981, iron and steel, shipbuilding imports of coal were over and coal). Unemployment in 7,000,000 tonnes per the basic industries actually SCOTTISH miners' President and Communist Party member Mick McGahey says of Scargill's pamphlet, "l recommend this pamphlet to be read by all British miners and the wider labour movement. It epitomises the policies which the miners and the union need."

And indeed it is tightly argued and well backed up with facts, slamming successive Labour and Tory governments for their short-sighted and stupid energy policies, which led to the near destruction of the mining industry in the sitties only to see a quick aboutturn in the early seventies when the price of oil rocketed up.

Here the pamphlet

its strongest.

On the question of closures, Scargill takes a strong stand: from now on pits should close only on grounds of proven seam exhaustion. He also argues for the expansion of the mining industry, for the opening of 30-40 new pits and for subsidies to the industry equivalent to those of other EEC countries.

We should oppose hiving off any parts of the industry (there are rumours that the Tories are considering hiving off the profitable open cast mines), Scargill argues, and support the extension of nationalisation to take in private retailers of coal and manufacturers of mining equipment.

Antiquated

On pay, conditions and satety, the pamphlet contains all the policies which Scargill has fought for over the last ten years or so. The £100 per week minimum, opposition to wage restraint, a four day week and earlier retirement policies which all miners, indeed all workers should Many readers tell us they think Socialist Organiser has improved greatly since we went weekly. And our circulation has improved, too.

But it could improve a lot more if some of the many readers who like the paper, but only take one copy for themselves began taking bundles.

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support with utmost vigour.

Many miners, particularly the branch activists, have long been dissatisfied with the internal democracy within the NUM. The NEC needs to be transformed.

The antiquated system of representation on the NEC bears more resemblance to the rotten boroughs' of the early British electoral system than a trade union in the 20th century, and a system of proportional representation is called for (though Scargill does not use the phrase himself).

This is not democracy in the abstract a fighting union must be democratic and responsive to the rank of SO post free. That's £9.60 for three months for bundles of 5, and £18 for bundles of 10.

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From: Socialist Organiser, 28 Middle + sitin Lat F2203 302057

Scargill

Lane, London N8. Please make cheques payable to Socialist 'Address.

John Cunningham (Yorkshire NUM) reviews the new pamph let, 'Miners in the Eighties' , by Yorkshire miners' president Arthur Scargill. The pamphlet is in effect Scargill's manifesto for the NUM presidential election now underway.

and file. A flock of sheep cannot fight.

Finally the pamphlet calls for the next Labour government to implement policies which are in the interests of those we represent and future generations"

It is the last part of the pamphlet that is the weakest in my view, but first let's look at some more specific points.

In line with most of the Labour left and trade union bureaucracy Scargill calls for import controls. The arguannum. This coal could be produced by British pits, giving work to British miners and their sons. So we must either stop foreign coal altogether or impose high tariffs.

The reality isn't simple.

First, controis do not work. Let's look at the track record.

Bemoans

In 1931 the National Government introduced increased after 1931.

Figures for the South Wales coalfield show this clearly. In 1931 the coal field employed 158,162 workers. By 1939 this figure had fallen to 128,774. (Import controls operated up till 1939).

And imports of coal into Britain were prohibited completely berween 1959 and 1969 precisely the period when the mining industry suftered its heaviest manpower losses, as the national figures show.

Manpower in 1959 stood at 658.200 and tell. by 1969 to 336,300.

Is there: any reason to believe that the situation would be any different today? The advocates of import controls have yet to come up with any answer.

The situation gets even more complicated when you consider that Scargill bemoans the importing of cheap Australian coal, yet a major investor in Australian mining is the National Coal Board!

The facts have: to be faced. Capitalism is international and multinationalthe days when Britain could put up the shutters and let the world go its own way are gone.

A retreal iowaru provet- tarined mentar and redundancies.

GE One section in the pamphlet asks the question "What kind of industry?" Here, as in a number of other sections, it is not so much what the pamphlet says as what it misses out that is important.

Resurrected

He says 'In 1947 we had a vision of a truly socialised public industry owned by the people and run by the miners. That vision has long since evaporated." What is lacking is any proposals or strategy as to how this vision can vt resuntuicu anu fought for. Apart from the correct demand for no private contractors and an extension of nationalisation to cover private retailers etc., there is very little concrete.

What is missing, and it was the crucial element missing in 1947, is any concept of workers' control.

Arthur Scargill has often in the past criticised workers control, and in a pamphlet "The Myth of Workers Control" (written jointly with Peggy Kahn) he explains why.

Vision

Unfortunately Arthur gets it nearly all wrong. His main fire is aimed at the 111 ut t HAAY worker-participation on boards-usually along the lines of class partnership or cooperation.

Yet a revolutionary concept of workers' control-as an imposition of workers' power in struggle against the bosses-is also possible, and necessary.

Another concrete demand, linked very closely to the question of workers control, is the right of elected NUM representatives to have access to all NCB business and transactions, minutes, etc. This has taken on a particular relevance just recently with the revelations of financial skulduggery in the case of Arthur Snipe, Mining Supplies, Laurence Scott and the NCB.

Mandatory

"Miners in the 80s" correctly calls for a £100 per week minimum wage: but to unite the workforce on the wage front and at the same time to challenge.the basic system of bargaining (in which Scargill places SO much reliance) we should also call for automatic inflation-proofing. of wagesanother demand which goes beyond ordinary trade union militancy and extends the struggle into the political field.

There is a big chunk missing from the section dealing with internal reform in the NUM. The proposals for NEC proportional representation must be welcomed but there is no mention of mandatory reselection of officials and recall. This has been a vital part of the struggle for accountability and democracy in the Labour Party-so why not the same for trade union officials?

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